Labour works on plan for power

It's 27 years since Labour last came to power after a long period of Conservative government.

As a general election looms, shadow ministers have been told to submit ideas for the party's manifesto before the end of this week.

Behind the scenes, party chiefs are working out what the early priorities of a Labour government would be.

They have two big challenges, even if they win.

First, how to put ideas into action with only a smattering of shadow ministers having held actual ministerial office.

And second, demonstrating to voters how a Labour government - constrained by the state of the economy and self-denying ordinances on tax - could make a difference.

Behind the scenes, since just after the party's conference in October, a committee of senior politicians and advisers has been wrestling with these practical and political problems.

The shadow leader of the House, Lucy Powell, who is also a former chief of staff to Ed Miliband, brought together the team that would oversee the process of turning policies into legislation.

Among the members are Sir Keir Starmer's current chief of staff - and former senior civil servant - Sue Gray; the shadow attorney general Emily Thornberry; Labour's leader in the Lords Angela Smith and the party's chief whips in the Lords and the Commons.

Shadow minister Jonathan Ashworth has also attended some meetings. His role includes anticipating - and finding ways to neutralise - Tory attacks.

This would appear to be crucial, given the experience of the political beating which the party's planned £28bn annual funding for a green prosperity plan has sustained.

With a May election possible, the prime focus is on a Labour government's first King's Speech.

But the committee is also looking at which other measures to place in the policy pipeline if Labour wins and completes a full first term.

None of this will be set in stone until the manifesto is agreed.

That is done at what's called a clause 5 meeting of senior MPs, National Executive members, and unions once the election has been called.

But there are obvious legislative priorities.

Insiders say there are "a tableau of options" for the 20 or so bills which would be announced in the event of a Labour victory.

But economic and financial measures would certainly be enacted early on.

These would include Rachel Reeves's "fiscal lock", which would ensure that chancellors cannot ignore or bypass the independent Office for Budget Responsibility.

That's designed to reassure the markets but a more voter-friendly offer - the Office for Value for Money - is likely to be an early creation.

This is designed to convince voters who had been persuaded to return to Labour - or back it for the first time - that their government really does intend to spend their money wisely.

As a Budget is expected soon after the election if Labour wins, then a finance bill will be needed swiftly too.

That would mean enacting limited tax rises such as imposing VAT on private school fees and ensuring wealthy foreign residents are subject to full UK taxation.

But also important is the extensive employment rights legislation which will appeal to not just the party's union funders but to traditional supporters who fear the Starmer leadership has moved too far to the right.

Turning the party's mission on clean energy into legislation would be another early challenge.

And there is currently a discussion on whether to have a catch-all bill encompassing planning changes - which could help deliver everything from more housing, to new onshore wind capacity.

In some cases, legislation could be determined by preparation rather than priorities.

When Labour was in opposition in the 1990s, a promised right to roam bill had not been considered pressing.

But it made it into the 1997 government's first Queen' Speech simply because it was ready to go.

This time round, transport policy is far advanced - on bus regulation, and the gradual return of rail to public ownership - so could be fast-tracked.

Broadly speaking, though, the committee is looking at how to get bills passed and not just what to prioritise.

Some priorities, such as many NHS reforms, would not need legislation.

But where it is required, I am told the default will be primary legislation with proper scrutiny and debate.

With a long career in Whitehall, Sue Gray has been instrumental in insisting on clarity in policy and the need to give officials clear guidance.

Now that Labour is engaging with the civil service, she believes the party needs to present the mandarins with ideas that can be implemented, and not amorphous ambitions that could take years to emerge as coherent laws.

Both Angela Smith and the Labour Lords' chief whip Roy Kennedy are on the committee not just because some legislation starts off in the Upper House, but because it is also the place that poses dangers to more controversial measures.

The calculation is that the Conservatives have an advantage of 100 or so active peers, so the Labour Lords are advising on the likely scale of opposition to certain measures and where concessions may have to be made.

They are also thinking about how crossbench peers rather than just Labour Lords could be mobilised to support certain measures.

So, on that basis, wide-ranging legislation on root-and-branch reform of the Lords would be non-starter as a priority - as it would get bogged down quickly and deprive other measures of parliamentary time.

But if Labour wants to be seen to making a difference, incremental measures to change the Upper Chamber - which enjoy more consensus - could happen in a first term - for example, a retirement age, a reduction in the number of members and the gradual phasing out of hereditary peers.

Partly, the 8 February manifesto deadline is to focus the minds of shadow ministers in ensuring that policies are ready - especially in the event of a May poll. It is also to identify any gaps where more work needs to be done. Policies ranging from social case to student finance need further development.

If there is a May election, I am told some sections of the manifesto could consist of rather bland "holding statements", but these could be expanded before an autumn poll.

That said, most of the committee's initial work was dealing with a glut of proposals, not gaps.

They had to sift through the 116 page document of policies from the party's National Policy Forum to assess which ideas were practical, and which might need a longer timescale,

Mr Ashworth's role has been rather different - casting a critical gaze over the policy ideas, and thinking about how they might be delivered rather than simply turned into law.

One insider described his role as "pummelling the policy" then "serving it up" to the committee for them to transform it into something that is palatable to parliament.

But there is a strong desire to see a clear connection between the manifesto, the main themes of the election campaign and some of the first things Labour would do if it formed a government.

Labour has been out of government for 14 years.

They have to convince the voters, and maybe even themselves, that they are prepared for power.

Behind the scenes the work has begun.